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The Podcast and the Police: S‑Town and the Narrative Form of Southern Queerness

...in Chapter VI, their relationship may seem to others more like a "usership" than a "friendship" because of the men's codependencies.24Reed, "Chapter V," 49:09. McLemore gives Goodson money and other...

The Bulletin—August 6, 2013

...in 2003, they remain in the Virginia Code. A federal appeals court specifically struck down this statute this March in the course of a case where an adult male solicited...

Something True about Louisiana: HBO's True Detective and the Petrochemical America Aesthetic

...Acadiana, women who are either whores or wives, fisherman roughing it out in raised camps, serial murdering pederasts with Satanic attitudes. Typical of the way Louisiana is coded in the...

"The Emblem of North American Fraternity": Opossums and Jim Crow Politics

Introduction On January 15, 1909, US President-elect William Howard Taft attended a banquet at the Chamber of Commerce along with "the cream of Atlanta and the south's commercial factors, professional...

Vale of Amusements: Modernity, Technology, and Atlanta's Ponce de Leon Park, 1870–1920

..."a harbinger of mass culture" that helped bring about new codes of conduct as well as cross-racial relationships.3Kasson, 112. Kasson's history offers a relatively rosey view of amusement parks as...

The Carolina Piedmont

...to desegregate factories and workplaces, or in the number of newly elected black officials. In reaction, drawing upon anti-government resentment and racial codewords, initiatives such as Richard Nixon's Southern Strategy...

Palomares Bajo

...were thoroughly othered, marked as "racially different." Their "miserable and abandoned hamlet" was contradictorily said to be "inhabited by dark-skinned gypsies and by descendants of the Moor[s]," a coded reference...

On Fair Use

...higher education. The United States Copyright Office outlines its "fair use" policy in Section 107 of Title 17 of the United States Code, enumerating "various purposes for which the reproduction...

The South as Foil: A Review of This Is Not Dixie

Review "By branding the South as the racist section of the country," writes Brent Campney, "those narrating the identity of other sections have found a foil against which they can...

References
1.	See George Rable, But There Was No Peace: The Role of Violence in the Politics of Reconstruction (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1984); Lou Faulkner Williams, The Great South Carolina Ku Klux Klan Trials 1871–1872 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1996); Nicholas Lemann, Redemption: The Last Battle of the Civil War (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2006); J. Michael Martinez, Carpetbaggers, Cavalry, and the Ku Klux Klan: Exposing the Invisible Empire During Reconstruction (Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2007); Stephen Budiansky, The Bloody Shirt: Terror After the Civil War (New York: Penguin Group, 2008); LeeAnna Keith, The Colfax Massacre: The Untold Story of White Power, Black Terror, and the Death of Reconstruction (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008); Charles Lane, The Day Freedom Died: The Colfax Massacre, The Supreme Court, and the Betrayal of Reconstruction (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2008); and Kimberly Harper, White Man's Heaven: The Lynching and Expulsion of Blacks in the Southern Ozarks, 1893–1909 (Fayetteville: The University of Arkansas Press, 2010).
2.	See William D. Carrigan and Christopher Waldrep, eds., Swift to Wrath: Lynching in Global Historical Perspective (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2013); William D. Carrigan and Clive Webb, Forgotten Dead: Mob Violence Against Mexicans in the United States, 1848–1928 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013); and Michael J. Pfeifer, ed., Lynching Beyond Dixie: American Mob Violence Outside the South (Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 2013)
3.	Campney uses "racist violence" instead of "racial violence" to "underscore the implicit power dynamic: whites used racist violence to 'maintain social control over the black population through terrorism,'" (1). Here he follows Barbara J. Fields, "Whiteness, Racism, and Identity," International Labor and Working-Class History 60 (Fall 2001): 48–56.
4.	In making this argument Campney critiques Nicole Etcheson, Bleeding Kansas: Contested Liberty in the Civil War Era (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2004), 229 and Robert G. Athearn, In Search of Canaan: Black Migration to Kansas, 1879–80 (Lawrence: Regents Press of Kansas, 1978), 75.
5.	"Exodus" refers to the migration of tens of thousands of African Americans from the South to Kansas. See Nell Irvin Painter, Exodusters: Black Migration to Kansas after Reconstruction (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1976); Athearn, In Search of Canaan; and Charlotte Hinger, Nicodemus: Post-Reconstruction Politics and Racial Justice in Western Kansas (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2016).
6.	In making this argument, Campney builds on the work of Sundiata Keita Cha-Jua, "'A Warlike Demonstration': Legalism, Armed Resistance, and Black Political Mobilization in Decatur, Illinois, 1894–1898," The Journal of Negro History 83 (Winter 1998): 52–72.
7.	Thomas Frank, What's the Matter with Kansas: How Conservatives Won the Heart of America (New York: Metropolitan, 2004), 179.

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