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Something True about Louisiana: HBO's True Detective and the Petrochemical America Aesthetic

...and critiques the official narratives of Louisiana optimism, its representation in rural poverty porn, and the flashy exposés of the state's political, economic, cultural, and medical ineptitude. It is clear...

Buckner Gap, North Carolina

Poplar tree, Buckner Gap, NC, 1994. Photo courtesy of Rob Amberg. Remains of the house rumored to have been the site of an illegal liquor distilling operation, near Buckner Gap,...

And the Prize Goes to...

...Cultures, MELUS, the Bitter Southerner, American Quarterly, and American Literature, among others. Screenshot of Delerme's article on the Southern Spaces website. Courtesy of Southern Spaces. The class divided into teams...

A Field Guide to Northeast Alabama

A Field Guide to Northeast Alabama Jake Adam York reads the poem "Gone With the Wind." Jake Adam York reads the poem "At Cornwall Furnace." Jake Adam York reads the...

Music, Race, and Representation Post-Katrina: A Review of New Orleans Suite: Music and Culture in Transition

...are nuanced and insightful. Their positioning of cultural production/consumption as highly contradictory sites is well taken, as are their concerns about post-Katrina rebuilding via cultural development and their astute commentary...

The Mobility of Faith: Cross Sections of Haitian Religion in Miami

Review In Crossing the Water and Keeping the Faith, sociologists Terry Rey and Alex Stepick map the vibrant diasporic religious cultures of Miami, the site of the largest Haitian-descended population...

References
1.	For an extended discussion of the relationship between habitus and collusio, see Pierre Bourdieu, "The Production of Belief," Media, Culture, and Society 2 (July 1980): 261–293.
2.	Vodou is an indigenous Haitian religion, closely related to West African Vodun, that draws from multiple West African religions, in addition to Roman Catholicism, European mysticism, and freemasonery. Most practitioners of Vodou reference themselves as "servants of the spirits," and understand the religion as a worldview. See Karen McCarthy Brown, Mama Lola: A Vodou Priestess in Brooklyn (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991); David Cosentino, Ed., Sacred Arts of Haitian Vodou (Los Angeles: UCLA Fowler Musuem of Cultural History, 1995); and Patrick Bellegard-Smith and Claudine Michel, Eds., Vodou in Haitian Life and Culture: Invisible Powers (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006).
3.	The Traditionalist Catholic movement performs sacraments in accordance with church teachings prior to the Second Vatican Council (1962–1966). Vatican II made noteworthy changes to sacramental rituals. For example, the altar is closer to laypersons, and much of the liturgy is spoken in local languages rather than in Latin (63).
4.	For more on Haitian Marian devotion, see Terry Rey, Our Lady of Class Struggle: The Cult of the Virgin Mary in Haiti (Trenton: Africa World Press, 1999).
5.	The Catholic Charismatic Renewal, a direct result of Catholic encounter with Protestant Pentecostalism dates to the 1960s and is found in over two-hundred countries. In gatherings outside of Mass, members of CCR participate in prophecy, faith healing, and glossolalia. It reflects a larger Neo-Pentecostal movement of persons and groups experiencing "charismatic" worship and choosing to stay in their familiar Catholic faith tradition, as opposed to aligning with Pentecostal congregations. See Paul Josef Cordes, Call to Holiness: Reflections on the Catholic Charismatic Renewal (Collegeville: Michael Glazier, 1997) and Susan A. Maurer, The Spirit of Enthusiasm: A History of the Catholic Charismatic Movement, 1967–2000 (Lanham: University Press of America, 2010).
6.	For an example, see Regine O. Jackson, "After the Exodus: The New Catholics in Boston's Old Ethnic Neighborhoods," Religion and American Culture 17.2 (2007): 204. Jackson argues that religion sometimes become a lowest common denominator amongst co-ethnics. Religious institutions and weekly practice offer immigrants "…a way to recreate social ties and generate narratives of self-worth despite structural challenges to individual and collective mobility."
7.	See Tracey E. Hucks and Dianne Stewart Diakité, "Africana Religious Studies: Toward a Transdisciplinary Agenda in an Emerging Field," Journal of Africana Religions 1.1 (2013): 39.
8.	In an ethnography of the Tobagonian Spiritual Baptist faith, anthropologist Maarit Laitinen offers an impressive intellectual genealogy of "syncretism" between African and European religious cultures. Laitinen advances a textured theory that "does not downplay the agency of people living in creole societies, but presents them as active, creative participants in the reproduction of change and religion within particular socio-historical circumstances." Though Laitinen is one of many theorists who articulate a novel theory of religious encounter in the Caribbean, her scholar-practitioner identity is particularly concerned with "bridg[ing] the conceptual gap, often hierarchically valued, between creole cultures and 'cultures of origin'" (61). Laitinen's perspective helpfully elucidates the Caribbean religious landscape from which Vodou emerges and, by implication, problematizes "syncretism" as a primary interpretive lens of Caribbean religions. See Maarit Laitinen, Marching to Zion: Creolisation in Spiritual Baptist Rituals and Cosmology (Helsinki: Helsinki University Press, 2002).
9.	There are numerous reasons for Vodou practitioners to withhold their religious identities and practices from outsiders, including academic misrepresentation, social stigma, and political persecution. See Benjamin Blue, "They Fought the Lwa and the Lwa Won: Persecution of Haitian Vodou," The Journal of the Vodou Archive (Spring 2013): 2–7.
10.	Stephen Glazier, "Syncretism and Separation: Ritual Change in Afro-Caribbean Faith," The Journal of American Folklore 98.387 (January-March 1985): 49–62.

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