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The Bulletin—August 6, 2013

...in 2003, they remain in the Virginia Code. A federal appeals court specifically struck down this statute this March in the course of a case where an adult male solicited...

The Podcast and the Police: S‑Town and the Narrative Form of Southern Queerness

...in Chapter VI, their relationship may seem to others more like a "usership" than a "friendship" because of the men's codependencies.24Reed, "Chapter V," 49:09. McLemore gives Goodson money and other...

Something True about Louisiana: HBO's True Detective and the Petrochemical America Aesthetic

...Acadiana, women who are either whores or wives, fisherman roughing it out in raised camps, serial murdering pederasts with Satanic attitudes. Typical of the way Louisiana is coded in the...

"The Emblem of North American Fraternity": Opossums and Jim Crow Politics

Introduction On January 15, 1909, US President-elect William Howard Taft attended a banquet at the Chamber of Commerce along with "the cream of Atlanta and the south's commercial factors, professional...

Vale of Amusements: Modernity, Technology, and Atlanta's Ponce de Leon Park, 1870–1920

..."a harbinger of mass culture" that helped bring about new codes of conduct as well as cross-racial relationships.3Kasson, 112. Kasson's history offers a relatively rosey view of amusement parks as...

At Sun Ra's Grave

...a brash of empty veins. Now only broadcast towers lance the night, their amber pulse the city's only torches, and below, where the terminal station blazed 10,000 lights in welcome,...

Before Tuskegee: Public Health and Venereal Disease in Hot Springs, Arkansas

...as such, advocating too forcefully on behalf of birth control measures "might innocently start some unwelcome comment"—particularly in the South. On account of this, Wenger generally advised that the PHS...

The "Achilles' Heel" of Jim Crow: A Review of Landscapes of Exclusion

...national parks today, many African Americans continue to feel unwelcome in such places. "[M]arking this racialized history can be potentially advantageous as a way of drawing new visitors. Most important,...

References
1.	Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863–1877 (New York: Harper and Row, 1988).
2.	Shawn Lay, The Invisible Empire in the West: Toward a New Historical Appraisal of the Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s, ed. Shawn Lay (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1992): 56.
3.	Mark Auslander, "Driving Back into the Light: Traversing Life and Death in a Lynching Reenactment by African Americans," in Vehicles: Cars, Canoes and other Metaphors of Moral Imagination, eds. David Lipset and Richard Handler (New York: Berghahn Books, 2014): 178–193.
4.	Teresa Lenox, "The Carver Village Controversy," Tequesta: The Journal of the Historical Museum of South Florida, no. 50 (1990): 39–51.
5.	Robert Franklin Williams, Negroes with Guns (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1962): xiv. In July 1965, gunfire from the Deacons for Defense and Justice dispersed a Klan motorcade firing shots at African American homes in Bogalusa, Louisiana.[fn]Christopher B. Strain, "'We Walked Like Men': The Deacons for Defense and Justice," Louisiana History: The Journal of the Louisiana Historical Association 38, no. 1 (1997): 43.
6.	David Cunningham, There's Something Happening Here: The New Left, the Klan, and FBI Counter-Intelligence (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005).
7.	Mark Auslander, "'Holding on to Those Who Can't Be Held'": Reenacting a Lynching at Moore's Ford, Georgia," Southern Spaces, November 8, 2010, https://southernspaces.org/2010/holding-those-who-cant-be-held-reenacting-lynching-moores-ford-georgia.
8.	Although opponents of the flag often assume it was used by the Ku Klux Klan from the time of the organization's founding in 1865, there is little evidence that the Klan used the flag until the 1940s (John Coski,The Confederate Battle Flag: America's Most Embattled Emblem [Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2005]: 85–96.) To be sure, the founders of the first Klan were Confederate veterans and honored the memory of the Lost Cause, and many second Klan members from 1915 through World War II felt great loyalty to the memory of the Confederacy, but they appear to have shared the prevailing white Southern sentiment that the flag was best reserved for honoring the Confederate dead in cemeteries and in solemn commemorative marches. From the time of General Robert E. Lee's surrender at Appomattox until the mid-1940s, the flag was largely under the control of heritage organizations such as the Sons of Confederate Veterans and the United Daughters of the Confederacy. From 1945 onwards, the revised Klan made extensive use of the Confederate battle flag, at times in conjunction with cross burnings at Stone Mountain and other sites. Following the war, members of the elite white fraternity Kappa Alpha increasingly displayed the flag at football games and in "Old South" processions. The rise in public flag display coincided with growing white southern resistance to Truman's civil rights proposals. The flag was widely used in the 1948 National States Rights Democratic Party, the "Dixiecrats," although it was never adopted as the party's official emblem. By 1951, Roy V. Harris, editor of the Augusta Courier and former speaker of the Georgia House of Representatives would write that the flag, "is becoming to be [sic] the symbol of the white race and the cause of the white people. The Confederate flag means segregation" (Coski, 137).
9.	Coski, 126.
10.	Auslander, "Driving Back into the Light," and "'Holding on to Those Who Can't Be Held.'"
11.	Gwendolyn Brooks, "The Chicago Defender Sends a Man to Little Rock, Fall 1957," in The Bean Eaters (New York: Harper, 1960).
12.	Laura Wexler, Fire in a Canebrake: The Last Mass Lynching in America (New York: Scribner, 2003).

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