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Victoria

...gay bar in Dothan, a rustic event venue in Brundidge, and the steps of the Alabama State Capitol. It’s a pattern that has intensified somewhat since the closure of Montgomery’s...

Changing Places, Changing Lives

...engines that drove much of what made the southern economy unique in the decades between revolution and secession. What concerns Pargas in Slavery and Forced Migration in the Antebellum South...

Toxic Knowledge: A Review of Baptized in PCBs

...blood carried "outrageously high" levels of the class of toxic chemicals known as PCBs, manufactured by Monsanto, and that the soil in her yard contained PCB levels "above what the...

Geographies of Hope and Despair: Atlanta's African American, Latino, and White Day Laborers

...things like that, anything that's manual labor, sweep, mop, clean the bathrooms, anything that's unskilled and just requires a body. Not too much on the [manufacturing] line, and if it...

Indians in the Family: Adoption and the Politics of Antebellum Expansion

...black people the very rights or recognition of kinship—Indians were described as free people who could potentially be incorporated into the US national family, a process that in turn mandated that...

Driving Through Time: The Digital Blue Ridge Parkway

...get to use in today's world. But the word that comes to this driver's mind is slow. I feel it immediately as I enter the roadway—not only my car decelerating...

"Looking Back and Moving Forward": The Records of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference at Emory University's Manuscript, Archives, and Rare Book Library

...[I]t was my impression from observing him, things that I heard and also from his general . . . policy with respect to his organization that Dr. King either had...

I-26, Corridor of Change

...embarrassed that my photographs offered no tangible benefits in a place that seemed to value useful things that aided survival: firewood, bean seeds, a cut of cloth. Then, as I...

Hijacking Public Housing: A Review of New Deal Ruins

...obsolete incubators of anomie that drained cities of their worth. This inexact narrative has been so dominant that the view of public housing as disastrous, and therefore in need of...

References
1.	The Pruitt-Igoe Myth, directed by Chad Freidrichs (Columbia, MO: Unicorn Stencil Documentary Films, 2011).
2.	This is ironic given that the public housing program was established, in part, because the private sector could not meet the needs of the lowest income tenants—either in quantity or affordability of rental units. This has not changed. Even as HUD approved the demolition and disposition of public housing apartments, the waiting lists for public housing units were in the hundreds of thousands. Moreover, the HUD report on "Worst Case Housing Needs"—sent to Congress in 2010, the same year HUD approved the demolition and disposition of an additional 285,000 apartments—identified 6 million people in dire need. This was an 18 percent increase in just one decade. In this context, as Goetz writes: "The dismantling of public housing makes little sense as housing policy" (177).
3.	"Negro removal" was a phrase used to describe the disproportionate displacement of black people from neighborhoods targeted for urban renewal.
4.	For instance, see Pauline Lipman, New Political Economy of Urban Education: Neoliberalism, Race, and the Right to the City (New York: Routledge, 2011); Diane Ravitch, Reign of Error: The Hoax of the Privatization Movement and the Danger to America's Public Schools (New York: Knopf, 2013). On prisons, see Michele Alexander, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness (New York: New Press, 2012); Rhonda Y. Williams, "'We Refuse!': Privatization, Housing, and Human Rights," in Freedom Now! Struggles for the Human Right to Housing in L.A. and Beyond, eds. Christina Heatherton and Jordan T. Camp (Los Angeles: Freedom Now Books, 2012).
5.	Contemporary "Right to the City" movements seek to counteract such displacement and the demise of affordable, safe, and adequate public housing. See, for instance, David Harvey, Rebel Cities: From the Right to the City to the Urban Revolution (New York: Verso, 2012) and the New York-based, national Right to the City Alliance that emerged in 2007 as a housing and urban justice movement.
6.	See, for instance, Roberta M. Feldman and Susan Stall, The Dignity of Resistance: Women Residents' Activism in Chicago Public Housing (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004); J. S. Fuerst and D. Bradford Hunt, When Public Housing Was Paradise: Building Community in Chicago (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2005); Lisa Levenstein, A Movement Without Marches: African American Women and the Politics of Poverty in Postwar Philadelphia (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010); and Rhonda Y. Williams, The Politics of Public Housing: Black Women's Struggles against Urban Inequality (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004).
7.	Dolores Hayden, The Power of Place: Urban Landscapes as Public History (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1995). Hayden discusses place as "one of the trickiest words in the English language" that "carries the resonance of homestead, location, and open space in the city as well as a position in a social hierarchy" (16). Hayden further discusses how deep examinations of place reveal contested terrains and the production of space—both of which reveal perceptions and values, historical contexts, and political economy.
8.	Goetz, 5. Also see, Rhonda Y. Williams, "Race, Dismantling the "'Ghetto,'" and "Housing Mobility: Considering the Polikoff Proposal," Northwestern Journal of Law and Social Policy 1, no. 1 (Summer 2006), http://www.law.northwestern.edu/journals/njlsp/v1/n1/4/.
9.	Goetz, 128. Also see, Rhonda Williams, The Politics of Public Housing; "'I'm a Keeper of Information': History-Telling and Voice," Oral History Review 28, no. 1 (Winter/Spring 2001): 41–63.
10.	Mindy T. Fullilove, Root Shock: How Tearing Up City Neighborhoods Hurts America, and What We Can Do about It (New York: Ballantine Books, 2005).

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