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Memphis: Cotton Fields, Cargo Planes, and Biotechnology

...plays a prominent role, not only because of the city's central east-west geographic location in the continental United States and its north-south location equidistant between Toronto, Canada, and Monterrey, Mexico,...

Interstate Road Project, Single-State History: Tammy Ingram's Look at the Dixie Highway

...served by improved roads, was the "gateway to Florida" (10, 58), and provides a useful window into larger debates about centralization, planning, funding, and labor. Dixie Highway's tendency to use...

Music and Mobility on the Streets of New Orleans: A Review of Roll with It

...parade, the band must move the crowd. The participatory nature of second lines "facilitates relations between people, providing a sense of place in which the social is enmeshed with the...

Creolization as Cultural Continuity and Creativity in Postdiluvian New Orleans and Beyond

...In the face of federal, state, and local government indifference and/or incompetence in responses to the disaster, local expressive forms, creative new uses of them, and realigned lateral relationships between...

Living Across Borders: Guatemala Maya Immigrants in the US South

...conditions in the United States in order to use their wages to provide a better life for their spouses, children, parents, and siblings in Guatemala. The millions of US dollars...

Starlit Screens: Preserving Place and Public at Drive-In Theaters

...a growing interest not just in maintaining existing theaters, but in constructing new ones.7"Drive-in Theater Search," Drive-ins.com, http://drive-ins.com/srchdest.htm?name=&city=&code=al&status_op=open&search.x=13&search.y=12. Six of Alabama's ten drive-ins opened since 1996.8Calvin R. Trice, "Couple seek...

Hijacking Public Housing: A Review of New Deal Ruins

...Michele Alexander, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness (New York: New Press, 2012); Rhonda Y. Williams, "'We Refuse!': Privatization, Housing, and Human Rights," in Freedom...

References
1.	The Pruitt-Igoe Myth, directed by Chad Freidrichs (Columbia, MO: Unicorn Stencil Documentary Films, 2011).
2.	This is ironic given that the public housing program was established, in part, because the private sector could not meet the needs of the lowest income tenants—either in quantity or affordability of rental units. This has not changed. Even as HUD approved the demolition and disposition of public housing apartments, the waiting lists for public housing units were in the hundreds of thousands. Moreover, the HUD report on "Worst Case Housing Needs"—sent to Congress in 2010, the same year HUD approved the demolition and disposition of an additional 285,000 apartments—identified 6 million people in dire need. This was an 18 percent increase in just one decade. In this context, as Goetz writes: "The dismantling of public housing makes little sense as housing policy" (177).
3.	"Negro removal" was a phrase used to describe the disproportionate displacement of black people from neighborhoods targeted for urban renewal.
4.	For instance, see Pauline Lipman, New Political Economy of Urban Education: Neoliberalism, Race, and the Right to the City (New York: Routledge, 2011); Diane Ravitch, Reign of Error: The Hoax of the Privatization Movement and the Danger to America's Public Schools (New York: Knopf, 2013). On prisons, see Michele Alexander, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness (New York: New Press, 2012); Rhonda Y. Williams, "'We Refuse!': Privatization, Housing, and Human Rights," in Freedom Now! Struggles for the Human Right to Housing in L.A. and Beyond, eds. Christina Heatherton and Jordan T. Camp (Los Angeles: Freedom Now Books, 2012).
5.	Contemporary "Right to the City" movements seek to counteract such displacement and the demise of affordable, safe, and adequate public housing. See, for instance, David Harvey, Rebel Cities: From the Right to the City to the Urban Revolution (New York: Verso, 2012) and the New York-based, national Right to the City Alliance that emerged in 2007 as a housing and urban justice movement.
6.	See, for instance, Roberta M. Feldman and Susan Stall, The Dignity of Resistance: Women Residents' Activism in Chicago Public Housing (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004); J. S. Fuerst and D. Bradford Hunt, When Public Housing Was Paradise: Building Community in Chicago (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2005); Lisa Levenstein, A Movement Without Marches: African American Women and the Politics of Poverty in Postwar Philadelphia (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010); and Rhonda Y. Williams, The Politics of Public Housing: Black Women's Struggles against Urban Inequality (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004).
7.	Dolores Hayden, The Power of Place: Urban Landscapes as Public History (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1995). Hayden discusses place as "one of the trickiest words in the English language" that "carries the resonance of homestead, location, and open space in the city as well as a position in a social hierarchy" (16). Hayden further discusses how deep examinations of place reveal contested terrains and the production of space—both of which reveal perceptions and values, historical contexts, and political economy.
8.	Goetz, 5. Also see, Rhonda Y. Williams, "Race, Dismantling the "'Ghetto,'" and "Housing Mobility: Considering the Polikoff Proposal," Northwestern Journal of Law and Social Policy 1, no. 1 (Summer 2006), http://www.law.northwestern.edu/journals/njlsp/v1/n1/4/.
9.	Goetz, 128. Also see, Rhonda Williams, The Politics of Public Housing; "'I'm a Keeper of Information': History-Telling and Voice," Oral History Review 28, no. 1 (Winter/Spring 2001): 41–63.
10.	Mindy T. Fullilove, Root Shock: How Tearing Up City Neighborhoods Hurts America, and What We Can Do about It (New York: Ballantine Books, 2005).

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