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An Oyster by Any Other Name

...Pass. The sheer number of oysters in one place was notable, however the history came from the laminated nametags accompanying each sampling of oysters. Rather than numeric codes in fine...

The Bulletin—October 2, 2012

...in and intellectually engaging with the US South. October 1 marked the fiftieth anniversary of the integration of the University of Mississippi. A number of media outlets reflected upon how...

Interstate Road Project, Single-State History: Tammy Ingram's Look at the Dixie Highway

...of a number of "marked trails" of this era—would join existing local roads into a long-distance highway linking north and south. Not coincidentally, it would connect the metropolitan North with...

Submission Guidelines

...a title, an abstract of less than one hundred words, citations in footnotes, recommended resources (divided into "Text," "Web," "Audio/Video," and "Related Southern Spaces Publications"), and page numbers. Please use...

Finding Media

...few favorite sites and search strategies for finding useable media: Public Domain and US Government works: The term "public domain" can be a little tricky—there are a number of caveats...

Deep in the Cane: The Southern Soul of Gil Scott-Heron

...powerful numbers like "South Carolina (Barnwell)," a blistering critique of the construction of the Savannah River nuclear plant in 1975, Scott-Heron directed his listeners' attention to new political battlefields and...

Life in a Shatter Zone: Debra Granik's Film Winter's Bone

...political geography to denote borderlands, especially ones to which members of subject or refugee populations migrated in large numbers to escape the pressures of the state and/or the capitalist economies...

At Sun Ra's Grave

...a brash of empty veins. Now only broadcast towers lance the night, their amber pulse the city's only torches, and below, where the terminal station blazed 10,000 lights in welcome,...

References
1.	Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863–1877 (New York: Harper and Row, 1988).
2.	Shawn Lay, The Invisible Empire in the West: Toward a New Historical Appraisal of the Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s, ed. Shawn Lay (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1992): 56.
3.	Mark Auslander, "Driving Back into the Light: Traversing Life and Death in a Lynching Reenactment by African Americans," in Vehicles: Cars, Canoes and other Metaphors of Moral Imagination, eds. David Lipset and Richard Handler (New York: Berghahn Books, 2014): 178–193.
4.	Teresa Lenox, "The Carver Village Controversy," Tequesta: The Journal of the Historical Museum of South Florida, no. 50 (1990): 39–51.
5.	Robert Franklin Williams, Negroes with Guns (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1962): xiv. In July 1965, gunfire from the Deacons for Defense and Justice dispersed a Klan motorcade firing shots at African American homes in Bogalusa, Louisiana.[fn]Christopher B. Strain, "'We Walked Like Men': The Deacons for Defense and Justice," Louisiana History: The Journal of the Louisiana Historical Association 38, no. 1 (1997): 43.
6.	David Cunningham, There's Something Happening Here: The New Left, the Klan, and FBI Counter-Intelligence (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005).
7.	Mark Auslander, "'Holding on to Those Who Can't Be Held'": Reenacting a Lynching at Moore's Ford, Georgia," Southern Spaces, November 8, 2010, https://southernspaces.org/2010/holding-those-who-cant-be-held-reenacting-lynching-moores-ford-georgia.
8.	Although opponents of the flag often assume it was used by the Ku Klux Klan from the time of the organization's founding in 1865, there is little evidence that the Klan used the flag until the 1940s (John Coski,The Confederate Battle Flag: America's Most Embattled Emblem [Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2005]: 85–96.) To be sure, the founders of the first Klan were Confederate veterans and honored the memory of the Lost Cause, and many second Klan members from 1915 through World War II felt great loyalty to the memory of the Confederacy, but they appear to have shared the prevailing white Southern sentiment that the flag was best reserved for honoring the Confederate dead in cemeteries and in solemn commemorative marches. From the time of General Robert E. Lee's surrender at Appomattox until the mid-1940s, the flag was largely under the control of heritage organizations such as the Sons of Confederate Veterans and the United Daughters of the Confederacy. From 1945 onwards, the revised Klan made extensive use of the Confederate battle flag, at times in conjunction with cross burnings at Stone Mountain and other sites. Following the war, members of the elite white fraternity Kappa Alpha increasingly displayed the flag at football games and in "Old South" processions. The rise in public flag display coincided with growing white southern resistance to Truman's civil rights proposals. The flag was widely used in the 1948 National States Rights Democratic Party, the "Dixiecrats," although it was never adopted as the party's official emblem. By 1951, Roy V. Harris, editor of the Augusta Courier and former speaker of the Georgia House of Representatives would write that the flag, "is becoming to be [sic] the symbol of the white race and the cause of the white people. The Confederate flag means segregation" (Coski, 137).
9.	Coski, 126.
10.	Auslander, "Driving Back into the Light," and "'Holding on to Those Who Can't Be Held.'"
11.	Gwendolyn Brooks, "The Chicago Defender Sends a Man to Little Rock, Fall 1957," in The Bean Eaters (New York: Harper, 1960).
12.	Laura Wexler, Fire in a Canebrake: The Last Mass Lynching in America (New York: Scribner, 2003).

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