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Geographies of Hope and Despair: Atlanta's African American, Latino, and White Day Laborers

...a safe means of exiting and entering the roadway. The location of street corner pickup sites was subject to change depending upon a number of factors including city regulations, police...

Whatwuzit?: The 1996 Atlanta Summer Olympics Reconsidered

...Atlanta was voted number two in Fortune's 1995 'Best Cities for Business' list, the city also ranks number two in the nation in income disparity between blacks and whites, number...

Cruising Grounds: Seeking Sex and Claiming Place in Houston, 1960–1980

...723. For his part, Ghaziani observes that "new residential and leisure queer spaces are forming across the city, and beyond its borders as well." That multiplicity of spaces grounds his...

No Place To Be Displaced: Katrina Response and the Deep South's Political Economy

...is the largest city in the state, with a population of approximately 123,000 within city limits and of over 700,000 for the Metropolitan Statistical Area (MSA). Major employers include government,...

Television News and the Civil Rights Struggle: The Views in Virginia and Mississippi

...1963 local civil rights leaders Rev. Lawrence Campbell and Rev. Alexander Isaiah Dunlap led their congregations and students to City Hall demanding equality in hiring practices in city government. They...

"I Used That Katrina Water To Master My Flow": Rap Performance, Disaster, and Recovery in New Orleans

...scene. And yet New Orleans rap has remained, in important ways, marginal within the city's dominant culture: limited in venue bookings, performance opportunities, and insurance for events;6This is one of...

New Pasts: Historicizing Immigration, Race, and Place in the South

...industry developed across the city, attracting immigrant labor. At the same time, Nashville’s service economy grew and created new demand for low-wage workers. The Music City in the late-twentieth century...

Negotiating Gender Lines: Women's Movement across Atlanta Mosques

...Atlanta. As Atlanta's black population grew in the 1950s and 1960s, city officials became concerned about "the prospect of a Negro majority in the city."1In May 1966, "the Atlanta Journal...

References
1.	In May 1966, "the Atlanta Journal noted that 'civic leaders have registered concern that the non-white population inside city limits is increasing so rapidly that Negroes may constitute a majority within perhaps six years. To civic leaders the prospect of a Negro majority in the city holds serious sociological and political implications.'" See Ronald H. Bayor, Race and the Shaping of Twentieth-Century Atlanta (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 87.
2.	Larry Keating, Atlanta: Race, Class, and Urban Expansion (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2001), 8.
3.	US Census Bureau, "Places within Unites States: R1701. Percent of People below Poverty Level in the Past 12 Months (For Whom Poverty Status is Determined): 2004," http://factfinder.census.gov/ (accessed July 16, 2007); US Census Bureau, "Places within the United States: R1701. Percent of Children under 18 Years Below Poverty Level in the Past 12 Months (For Whom Poverty Status is Determined): 2004," http://factfinder.census.gov/ (accessed July 16, 2007); Mark McArdle, "Poverty, Concentrated Poverty, and Urban Areas," National Urban League Policy Institute, May 19, 2006, http://www.nul.org/publications/policyinstitute/factsheet/PovertyFactSheet.doc (accessed July 16, 2007); Patricia J. Mays, "Middle Class Blacks Head to Atlanta," Associated Press, December 7, 1998, http://www.coax.net/people/lwf/ATL.HTM (accessed July 16, 2007); David L. Sjoquist, "The Atlanta Paradox: Introduction," in The Atlanta Paradox: A Volume in the Multi-City Study of Urban Inequality, ed. David L. Sjoquist (New York: Russell Sage, 2000), 2.
4.	Sjoquist, "The Atlanta Paradox," 1; Keating, Atlanta, 40, 34.
5.	Truman A. Hartshorn and Keith R. Ihlanfeldt, "Growth and Change in Metropolitan Atlanta," in The Atlanta Paradox: A Volume in the Multi-City Study of Urban Inequality, ed. David L. Sjoquist (New York: Russell Sage, 2000), 38–39.
6.	Marc V. Levine, "The Two Milwaukees: Separate and Unequal," Center for Economic Development, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, April 2003, http://www.uwm.edu/Dept/CED/pdf/two_milwaukee.pdf (accessed July 18, 2007).
7.	In his study of Asian Indian immigrants in Atlanta in the 1980s, John Fenton found that Atlanta Indians reported incomes "much higher" than the avergae ($24,993) for all Indian families in the United States in the 1980s. During a time when the median income for American families was estimated as $19,917 (US Census 1980), 52 percent of the Asian Indians in his survey "reported annual family incomes of $40,000 or more, and 32.8 percent stated their income to be $50,000 or more. Nationally, the Census indicated that only 11.3 percent of Asian Indians earn over $50,000; but in Atlanta 12.4 percent in the survey reported family incomes over $75,000." The author notes that these figures are remarkable, especially given that "almost half had been in America five years or less at the time of the Census." See John Y. Fenton, Transplanting Religious Traditions: Asian Indians in America (New York: Praeger, 1988), 31.
8.	"Indians who have been in America for some years tend to change residences from apartments in central Atlanta to homes in suburbia. In 1988 these families typically live in very new homes in new developments outside the interstate perimeter highway." Fenton,Transplanting Religious Traditions, 32.
9.	These two trends support the 2000 American mosque survey findings: "Approximately 40% of mosque participants travel more than 15 minutes from their home to get to the mosque." Ihsan Bagby, Paul M. Perl, and Bryan T. Froehle, The Mosque in America: A National Portrait, a Report from the Mosque Study Project (Washington DC: Council on American-Islamic Relations, 2001), 16.
10.	Masjid Rahmah is a pseudonym.
11.	When we account for women's mosque attendance beyond jum'ah, the percentage of women's participation is higher than the jum'ah percentage. According to the American mosque study, 13 percent ofjum'ah participants in immigrant mosques are women; however, women make up 23 percent of total participants "associated" with the mosque. In WDM mosques, women represent 24 percent of Friday worshippers but 36 percent of participants associated with the mosque. In non-WDM African American mosques, they make up 17 percent of Friday participants but 25 percent of overall mosque participants. Actual women's participation is possibly higher given that criteria for "association and how survey respondents measured it are unclear. Bagby, "A Profile of African-American Masjids," 216.
12.	The increase in women's mosque participation is not limited to the United States: "In recent times, Muslim women in a variety of contexts and settings are engaged in redefining their roles and presence in mosque based Islam." Shampa Mazumadar and Sanjoy Mazumadar, "In Mosques and Shrines: Women's Agency in Public Sacred Space." Journal of Ritual Studies 16, no. 2 (2002), 169; also see Saba Mahmood,Politics of Piety: The Islamic Revival and the Feminist Subject(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005).

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