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Brown, Common Meter, 511t

1) I love to steal a while away From ev'ry cumb'ring care, And spend the hours of setting day, In humble, grateful, pray'r. 2) I love in solitude to shed...

Artist Repertoire Index

...Me Kansas City Looking for My Woman Mean Mistreater My Baby Going to Leave Record All Day Sail On, Little Girl V-8 Ford When I’m Sober, When I’m Drunk Blues...

Shared Space, Separate Pasts: Versions of Slavery in Charleston

...offered this alternative. Charleston's ex-slaves expressed the counter-narrative in vibrant public festivals and Emancipation Day celebrations near the end of the Civil War and throughout Reconstruction, reflecting the freedmen and...

The South as Foil: A Review of This Is Not Dixie

...York: Oxford University Press, 2008); Charles Lane, The Day Freedom Died: The Colfax Massacre, The Supreme Court, and the Betrayal of Reconstruction (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2008); and...

Black Markets and the US-Mexico Border

...depending on a government's interest or willingness to police or prohibit.2The best examination of this concept I've found is in Eric Monkkonen's history of police, which stands to this day...

The Bulletin—October 18, 2012

...in and intellectually engaging with the US South. Today marks the fortieth anniversary of the 1972 Clean Water Act, which regulates water quality standards and limits water pollution. Citizen groups...

Place and Pluralism: The “Georgia Harmonies” Traveling Exhibition

...stops feature musics with historical ties to the town and region, and present-day roots in the area. In Laurie K. Sommers’ Southern Spaces article, “Hoboken Style: Meaning and Change in...

Jake Adam York Interviews Sandra Beasley

...since he was Greek, of course, and dead, and somewhere a maiden rattled in her chains. Antietam We all went in a yellow school bus, on a Tuesday. We sang...

Hijacking Public Housing: A Review of New Deal Ruins

...Unicorn Stencil Documentary Films, 2011). Today, public housing has become a trenchant symbol of failure. By the late 1970s, low-income black people who resided disproportionately in public housing were often...

References
1.	The Pruitt-Igoe Myth, directed by Chad Freidrichs (Columbia, MO: Unicorn Stencil Documentary Films, 2011).
2.	This is ironic given that the public housing program was established, in part, because the private sector could not meet the needs of the lowest income tenants—either in quantity or affordability of rental units. This has not changed. Even as HUD approved the demolition and disposition of public housing apartments, the waiting lists for public housing units were in the hundreds of thousands. Moreover, the HUD report on "Worst Case Housing Needs"—sent to Congress in 2010, the same year HUD approved the demolition and disposition of an additional 285,000 apartments—identified 6 million people in dire need. This was an 18 percent increase in just one decade. In this context, as Goetz writes: "The dismantling of public housing makes little sense as housing policy" (177).
3.	"Negro removal" was a phrase used to describe the disproportionate displacement of black people from neighborhoods targeted for urban renewal.
4.	For instance, see Pauline Lipman, New Political Economy of Urban Education: Neoliberalism, Race, and the Right to the City (New York: Routledge, 2011); Diane Ravitch, Reign of Error: The Hoax of the Privatization Movement and the Danger to America's Public Schools (New York: Knopf, 2013). On prisons, see Michele Alexander, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness (New York: New Press, 2012); Rhonda Y. Williams, "'We Refuse!': Privatization, Housing, and Human Rights," in Freedom Now! Struggles for the Human Right to Housing in L.A. and Beyond, eds. Christina Heatherton and Jordan T. Camp (Los Angeles: Freedom Now Books, 2012).
5.	Contemporary "Right to the City" movements seek to counteract such displacement and the demise of affordable, safe, and adequate public housing. See, for instance, David Harvey, Rebel Cities: From the Right to the City to the Urban Revolution (New York: Verso, 2012) and the New York-based, national Right to the City Alliance that emerged in 2007 as a housing and urban justice movement.
6.	See, for instance, Roberta M. Feldman and Susan Stall, The Dignity of Resistance: Women Residents' Activism in Chicago Public Housing (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004); J. S. Fuerst and D. Bradford Hunt, When Public Housing Was Paradise: Building Community in Chicago (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2005); Lisa Levenstein, A Movement Without Marches: African American Women and the Politics of Poverty in Postwar Philadelphia (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010); and Rhonda Y. Williams, The Politics of Public Housing: Black Women's Struggles against Urban Inequality (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004).
7.	Dolores Hayden, The Power of Place: Urban Landscapes as Public History (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1995). Hayden discusses place as "one of the trickiest words in the English language" that "carries the resonance of homestead, location, and open space in the city as well as a position in a social hierarchy" (16). Hayden further discusses how deep examinations of place reveal contested terrains and the production of space—both of which reveal perceptions and values, historical contexts, and political economy.
8.	Goetz, 5. Also see, Rhonda Y. Williams, "Race, Dismantling the "'Ghetto,'" and "Housing Mobility: Considering the Polikoff Proposal," Northwestern Journal of Law and Social Policy 1, no. 1 (Summer 2006), http://www.law.northwestern.edu/journals/njlsp/v1/n1/4/.
9.	Goetz, 128. Also see, Rhonda Williams, The Politics of Public Housing; "'I'm a Keeper of Information': History-Telling and Voice," Oral History Review 28, no. 1 (Winter/Spring 2001): 41–63.
10.	Mindy T. Fullilove, Root Shock: How Tearing Up City Neighborhoods Hurts America, and What We Can Do about It (New York: Ballantine Books, 2005).

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