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Southern Spaces

A journal about real and imagined spaces and places of the US South and their global connections

Inside the Jackson Tract: The Battle Over Peonage Labor Camps in Southern Alabama, 1906

...in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1955); Barbara Miller Solomon, Ancestors and Immigrants: A Changing New England Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,...

Back to the Future: Mapping Workers Across the Global South

...of southern deindustrialization and Asian labor markets. Who makes what where, when, and why depends on a chase around the globe for cheap labor that involves overlapping waves of industrialization...

Goin' to Chicago and African American "Great Migrations"

...to Chicago provides a last look at several black Chicago institutions. "Economic Downturn," Video excerpt from Goin' to Chicago, a documentary film by George King, originally broadcast on PBS in...

Spectacles of American Nationalism: The Battle of Atlanta Cyclorama Painting and The Birth of a Nation

...the Battle of Atlanta (Detroit, MI: Detroit Cyclorama Company, 1887), 1. Together with Lohr and Heine they painted both versions of the Battle of Atlanta cyclorama panorama. Theodore R. Davis,...

The Countryside Transformed: The Eastern Shore of Virginia, the Pennsylvania Railroad, and the Creation of a Modern Landscape

...increase from forty-four to sixty-seven the number of post offices in Accomack and Northampton counties. The advent of the railroad in 1884 further stimulated the establishment of post offices both...

Six Degrees of Alan Lomax: A Review and Multimedia Excerpts

...topical ballads and crossover dance numbers such as "Little Liza Jane." While anglophone black string band and folk blues traditions have not thrived in south Louisiana, all evidence indicates that...

The Battle of Atlanta: History and Remembrance

...of the Ohio, together numbered approximately one hundred thousand troops as they approached the city, but only about twenty-seven thousand of them fought in the Battle of Atlanta.11Woodworth, Nothing But...

Before Tuskegee: Public Health and Venereal Disease in Hot Springs, Arkansas

...of the Great Depression—just as the PHS dismantled a number of pilot projects designed to provide mass treatment to syphilitic blacks. Although many of the initiatives undertaken in Hot Springs...

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References
1.	H.S. Cumming, Surgeon General, to Charles M. Pearce, State Health Commissioner, Oklahoma, January 29, 1936, General Records of the Venereal Disease Division, 1918–1936, 203.4, in RG 90, Records of the Public Health Service, 1912–1968, National Archives, College Park, Maryland. Hereafter VD Division Records.
2.	Available federal census information indicates that in 1930, Ishcomer was married and had a least one son. Her husband appears to have been a mill hand but no occupation is listed for her. Exactly which of her conditions triggered resentment by clinic doctors is not clear.
3.	For a brief overview of the Hot Springs VD clinic, see Edwina Walls, "Hot Springs Waters and the Treatment of Venereal Diseases: The U.S. Public Health Service Clinic and Camp Garraday," Journal of the Arkansas Medical Society 91, no. 9 (1995): 430–7.
4.	The term "venereal peril" was a staple of turn-of-the-century discourse around syphilis and gonorrhea. For a particularly good example of this, see William Leland Holt,The Venereal Peril: A Popular Treatise on the Venereal Diseases, ed. William Josephus Robinson (New York: The Altrurians, 1909). For historical studies on this, see Theodor Rosebury, Microbes and Morals: The Strange Story of Venereal Disease (New York: Viking Press, 1971); Allan Brandt, No Magic Bullet: Venereal Disease and American Society since 1880 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987); Suzanne Poirier, Chicago's War on Syphilis, 1937–40: The Times, the Trib, and the Clap Doctor (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1995); Nancy K. Bristow, Making Men Moral: Social Engineering during the Great War (New York: New York University Press, 1996); Andrea Tone, Devices and Desires: A History of Contraceptives in America (New York: Hill and Wang, 2001); Marilyn Hegarty, Victory Girls, Khaki-Wackies, and Patriotutes: The Regulation of Female Sexuality during World War Two (New York: New York University Press, 2008); John Parascandola, Sex, Sin, and Science: A History of Syphilis in America (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2008).
5.	Susan Reverby, Examining Tuskegee: The Infamous Syphilis Study and Its Legacy (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009), 136.
6.	Christopher Crenner, "The Tuskegee Syphilis Study and the Scientific Concept of Racial Nervous Resistance," Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 67, no. 2 (2012): 244–80.
7.	Paul A. Lombardo and Gregory M. Dorr, "Eugenics, Medical Education, and the Public Health Service: Another Perspective on the Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 80, no. 2 (2006): 313.
8.	For a recent article in the revisionist vein, see Thomas G. Benedek and Jonathon Erlen, "The Scientific Environment of the Tuskegee Study of Syphilis, 1920–1960," Perspectives in Biology and Medicine 43, no. 1 (1999): 1–30.
9.	O.C. Wenger, "The Need for Social Hygiene," Oliver C. Wenger Papers, Box 1, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences Archives.
10.	C.N. Myers, "Hot Springs and the Model Federal Venereal Disease Clinic," Medical Review of Reviews 28 (1922): 86.
11.	For more on the city's early history and the role of the Hot Springs Reservation, see Janis Kent Percefull, Ouachita Springs Region: A Curiosity of Nature (Hot Springs, AR: Ouachita Springs Region Historical Research Center, 2007).
12.	J.K. Haywood, Analyses of the Waters of the Hot Springs of Arkansas (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1912), 5.
13.	For evidence of this, see A.J. Wright, "Some Account of the Hot Springs of Arkansas," The New Orleans Medical and Surgical Journal (1860): 798–9, 801; R.M. Lackey, "The Hot Springs of Arkansas," Chicago Medical Journal 23 (1866): 9; J.L. White, "The Hot Springs of Arkansas," Chicago Medical Recorder 36 (1878): 311.
14.	S.B. Houts, "Cases in Practice," The Medical World 5 (1887): 248–52; Edward L. Keyes, The Venereal Diseases, Including Stricture of the Male Urethra (New York: William Wood & Company, 1880), 107–8; E.R. Lewis, "The Hot Springs of Arkansas," The Kansas City Medical Index-Lancet 10, no. 7 (1889): 249. For references to Hot Springs as a "Mecca" for syphilitics during the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries, see "Editorial: Syphilis of the Nervous System," The Hot Springs Medical Journal 3, no. 2 (1894): 51; A. Ravogli, "The Thermomineral Cure in the Treatment of Syphilis," The Medical Era 6, no. 8 (1897): 276; Bukk G. Carleton, A Treatise on Urological and Venereal Diseases (New York: Bukk G. Carleton, 1905), 741; Loyd Thompson, Syphilis (Philadelphia, PA: Lea and Febiger, 1920), 212.
15.	Haywood, Analyses of the Waters, 5.
16.	J.L. Gebhart, "On the Therapy of the Waters of Hot Springs, Arkansas, and Their Relation to the Medical Profession at Large," St. Louis Medical and Surgical Journal 38 (1880): 634.
17.	Robert Heriot, "Letter to the Editor," Locomotive Engineers Journal 25 (1891): 919.
18.	E.B. Stevens, "Hot Springs, Arkansas," Transactions of the Ohio Medical Society 31 (1875): 197; Heriot, "Letter to the Editor," 919. See also H.M. Rector, "Then and Now," Hot Springs Medical Journal 4 (1895): 225; Henry Durand, "Uncle Sam, M.D., and His Great Sanitarium," The American Monthly Review of Reviews 16 (1897): 75–9.
19.	"Hot Springs, Arkansas," The Medical Visitor 20 (1904): 140; "Hot Springs, Arkansas, as a Health Resort," Hot Springs Medical Journal 3, no. 6 (1894): 173; William H. Deaderick, "The Development of the Hot Springs of Arkansas as a Health Resort," The Medical Pickwick 2 (1916): 265–6. One turn-of-the-century visitor reported on how "it was the policy of the municipality of Hot Springs to discourage the coming of the poor people to that place," which it did "by withholding all of the usual eleemosynary institutions from their use." Hal C. Wyman, "A Surgical Pilgrimage to Arkansas," Physician and Surgeon 28 (1906): 207.
20.	"Syphilitic Paresis," The Eclectic Medical Journal 50 (1890): 562.
21.	Joseph Zeisler, "The Social Evil," Year Book (Chicago: The Sunset Club, 1894), 218.
22.	"Since the arsphenamines have justly become popular," the director of the Hot Springs VD clinic observed in 1921, "the number of syphilitics coming to Hot Springs has been decreased year by year." O.C. Wenger, "The Early Days of Hot Springs, Arkansas (1850–1900)," Oliver C. Wenger Papers, Box 1, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences Archives.
23.	"We see every day, here in Hot Springs," one local physician noted in a 1913 treatise, "from ten to a hundred persons" suffering from the "terrible disease" that was syphilis. Albert J. Whitworth and John M. Byrd, The Hot Springs Specialist (Memphis, TN: B.C. Toof & Company, 1913), 164. For more about Salvarsan, see Patricia Spain Ward, "The American Reception of Salvarsan," Journal of the History of Medicine & Allied Sciences 36, no. 1 (1981): 44–62.
24.	Oliver C. Wenger, "The Early Days in Hot Springs, Arkansas (1850–1900)." Oliver C. Wenger Papers, Box 1, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences Archives.
25.	Oliver C. Wenger, "Results of a Study and Investigation of Venereal Disease at the United States Public Health Service Clinic at Hot Springs, Arkansas," Oliver C. Wenger Papers, Box 1, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences Archives.
26.	George P. Dale, "Moral Prophylaxis," The American Journal of Nursing 11, no. 9 (1911): 689. It is unknown whether the general prevalence of VD increased during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. What changed was likely not the percentage of the population infected by syphilis or gonorrhea, but instead, the medical profession's awareness of how many illnesses originated in one of these two diseases.
27.	For these estimates, see G. Shearman Peterkin, "A System of Venereal Prophylaxis That is Producing Results," American Medicine 10 (1906): 328. A colleague named John Cunningham declared that "it is a fact worthy of consideration that every year in this country 770,000 males reach the age of maturity. It may be affirmed that under existing conditions at least 60 percent, or over 450,000 of these young men will sometime during life become infected with venereal disease, if the experience of the past is to be accepted as a criterion of the future." John C. Cunningham, "The Importance of Venereal Disease," The New England Journal of Medicine 168, no. 3 (1913): 77–8.
28.	Abraham L. Wolbarst, "The Venereal Diseases: A Menace to the National Welfare," Medical Review 62 (1913): 327–80.
29.	For more on this, see Brandt, No Magic Bullet.
30.	See Bristow, Making Men Moral. See also Alexandra M. Lord, "Models of Masculinity: Sex Education, the United States Public Health Service, and the YMCA, 1919–24," Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 58, no. 2 (2003): 123–52.
31.	For the Chamberlain-Kahn Act, see Alexandra M. Lord, "'Naturally Clean and Wholesome': Women, Sex Education, and the United States Public Health Service, 1918–1928," Social History of Medicine 17, no. 3 (2004): 423–41.
32.	Victor C. Vaughan, "Protection of American Army Against Social Diseases by More Rigid Health Laws," The Pennsylvania Medical Journal 22 (1918): 26. According to Vaughan, the venereal disease rate at Camp Pike was 568.7 per 1,000 soldiers. See also, "Disease Conditions among Troops in the United States: Extracts from Telegraphic Reports Received in the Office of the Surgeon-General for the Week Ending October 19, 1917," Journal of the American Medical Association 69 (1917): 1535–6; "Venereal Disease and Birth Control," Journal of the Switchmen's Union 20 (1918): 756.
33.	For evidence of this, see the letters of Archie C. Cowles, a syphilitic health-seeker who traveled to Hot Springs in 1905. In a letter dated December 10, 1905, Cowles wrote that "many of the women here seem to be on the courtesan order. Of course, it would not do to call them prostitutes," Cowles remarked, "for they are aristocrats in their profession." For Cowles' correspondence, see the Archie C. Cowles Papers, Garland County Historical Society Archives, Hot Springs, Arkansas.
34.	"Commissioners Issue Order to the City Manager to Close the Houses of Immorality, Which Goes into Effect at Once," Hot Springs Sentinel-Record, August 2, 1918. Local businessmen and religious leaders rejected the association the military made between Camp Pike's high venereal disease rate and the "terrible conditions" in Hot Springs. See "Ministerial Men to Discuss Morals: Report from Washington of Bad Conditions Here Stirs some Enthusiasts," Hot Springs Sentinel-Record, August 9, 1918; "The Moral Condition," Hot Springs Sentinel-Record, August 10, 1918.
35.	Audrey Wenger McCully, "The United States Public Health Service Venereal Disease Clinic and Government Free Bathhouse, 1919–1936," Oliver C. Wenger Papers, Box 1, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences Archives.
36.	"Proceedings of the Minnesota Academy of Medicine," Minnesota Medicine 5 (1922): 61.
37.	First Deficiency Appropriation Bill, 1921; Hearings before Subcommittee of House Committee on Appropriations, 66th Congress, 3rd Session (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1921), 588.
38.	This last point holds for all of the public health campaigns undertaken in the early twentieth-century US South. In the case of Hot Springs, the city was seen as a center of quackery, and in particular, of the country's VD patent medicine industry. See Excluding Advertisements of Cures for Venereal Diseases from the Mails; Hearings before the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads of the House of Representatives, 66th Congress, 1st Session (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1921).
39.	During the war, Wenger—a native of St. Louis—served in the Medical Corps of the Missouri National Guard, and later focused his efforts on "venereal disease prophylaxis" as a member of Sanitary Squad #18, stationed in Camp Mills, a military camp in Long Island, New York. Afterwards, Wenger sought and obtained appointment as a "regional consultant" in the PHS, whereupon he assisted in the nationwide venereal disease survey (1919–20). See McCully, "The United States Public Health Service."
40.	For more on Wenger's biography, see McCully, "The United States Public Health Service."
41.	Reverby, Examining Tuskegee, 141.
42.	Oliver C. Wenger to C.C. Pierce, March 16, 1921, Hot Springs National Park Administrative Archives, Subseries 25.1.4, File A7615[04]. Hereafter NPS Archives.
43.	Oliver Wenger, "Instructions" (1921), Oliver C. Wenger Papers, Box 1, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences Archives.
44.	McCully, "The United States Public Health Service."
45.	O.C. Wenger, "The United States Public Health Service Clinic at Hot Springs National Park, Arkansas," Oliver C. Wenger Papers, Box 1, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences Archives.
46.	Oliver C. Wenger, "A Comparative Study of the Amount of Money Each Applicant Declared Under Oath at the U.S. Government Bath House for the Years 1931–32," Oliver C. Wenger Papers, Box 1, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences Archives.
47.	O.C. Wenger, "United States Conducts Clinics for Venereal Diseases," Nation's Health 8 (1926): 103; McCully, "The United States Public Health Service."
48.	McCully, "The United States Public Health Service."
49.	Virgil Oren Adams to President Franklin D. Roosevelt, September 27, 1934. Part of Adams's story also derives from a letter he sent to Captain Geoffrey, an officer at the Hot Springs clinic. For full texts, see VD Division Records.
50.	Oliver C. Wenger to the Surgeon General, October 18, 1934, VD Division Records.
51.	For evidence of this, consider the case of James Gordon. A Michigan man, in 1926 Gordon wrote the PHS asking for help in getting to Hot Springs. "I have tried [sic] all kinds of medicines, which you know that it [sic] takes money." From a book he had read, Gordon surmised that "there is not mutch [sic] chance for a poor man there," but still he pleaded: Hot Springs was "the last chance I have got—I have every thing [sic] else until my money is gone." For this letter, see James R. Gordon to United States Public Health Service, August 17, 1926, VD Division Records.
52.	Wenger, "The Need for Social Hygiene."
53.	For more on America's fertility transition, see J. David Hacker, "Rethinking the 'Early' Decline of Marital Fertility in the United States," Demography 40, no. 4 (2003): 605–20.
54.	Wolbarst, "The Venereal Diseases," 373.
55.	For more on this, see Reverby, Examining Tuskegee, 139–44.
56.	McCully, "The United States Public Health Service."
57.	J.R. Waugh and Elizabeth Milovich, "Severe Reactions to Arsphenamine among 3,050 Previously Untreated Patients," Journal of Venereal Disease Information 21, no. 12 (1940): 391. The Hot Springs clinic, it bears noting, was far from the only site where this experimental use of Salvarsan took place. In the medical literature of the time, many physicians reported success with an accelerated treatment regimen, and some recommended giving as many as three doses in a twenty-four hour period. One advocate advised colleagues to "give the largest possible amount of salvarsan in the shortest possible time." Faxton E. Gardner, "The Treatment of Syphilis," Medical Times 45 (1917): 63. For more discussions of the intensive and continuous treatment of syphilis with Salvarsan, see Frederick W. Smith, "The Modern Diagnosis and Treatment of Syphilis," Medical Record 91 (1919): 186–91; B.C. Corbus, "Prophylaxis in Cerebrospinal Syphilis," Journal of the American Medical Association 69, no. 25 (1917): 2087–9; Carlyle N. Haines, "Salvarsan in Syphilis," Pennsylvania Medical Journal 24 (1921): 839–41.
58.	O.C. Wenger and Lida J. Usilton, "Notes on the Syphilis Clinic, United States Public Health Service, Hot Springs, Arkansas," Journal of Venereal Disease Information 15, no. 6 (1934): 210. It is impossible to verify these morbidity and mortality figures, as the clinic operated free from federal oversight. Because of this, and also because of the clinic's generally poor record-keeping practices, the number of "adverse reactions" may be higher than what Wenger reported. For more on the latter problem, see C.H. Waring to the Surgeon General, January 23, 1923, VD Division Records.
59.	In a 1940 study, clinic personnel revealed that nearly 2.5 patients per thousand experienced "severe reactions" to Salvarsan—a rate higher than the 1.99 per thousand reported by the Cooperative Clinical Group's studies of syphilis. Waugh and Milosivic, "Severe Reactions."
60.	Wenger and Usilton, "Notes on the Syphilis Clinic," 209. For further evidence of serious medical complications following upon the clinic's intensive plan of syphilis treatment, see George E. Tarkington, "Value of Liver Function Test in Arsenical Therapy," Journal of Venereal Disease Information 7, no. 1 (1926): 24–5. For details of a specific injury, see Paul S. Carley, "Infarction of Buttock from Intra-Muscular Injections of Mercury Benzoate," Journal of Venereal Disease Information 17, no. 10 (1936): 281–3. It bears noting here that during the 1920s and 1930s, the idea of "informed consent" had not become a universally recognized principle within medical ethics. Because of this, scientific investigators were not required to obtain patient permission before proceeding with experiments. Those housed within custodial institutions (public hospitals and clinics, asylums, prisons, orphanages, etc.) were especially targeted for human subjects research, with the justification often being that they owed society a debt in exchange for the free treatment they received. For more on this, see Susan Lederer, Subjected to Science: Human Experimentation in America before the Second World War (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997).
61.	For the details of LaPrade's case, see G.L. Collins to the Surgeon General, October 11, 1932, VD Division Records.
62.	Forrest D. LaPrade to Mr. Wright Patman, June 10, 1930, VD Division Records.
63.	M.J. White, "Next Steps in the Field of VD Control from the Standpoint of the United States Public Health Service," Journal of Venereal Disease Information 7, no. 1 (1926): 173.
64.	"Meeting of the Advisory Committee to the Division of Venereal Diseases, United States Public Health Service, May 16, 1927," Journal of Venereal Disease Information 8, no. 8 (1927): 303.
65.	Wenger, "The Need for Social Hygiene"; Oliver C. Wenger, Annual Report for 1923, Oliver C. Wenger Papers, Box 1, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences Archives.
66.	"Hot Springs Threatened With Loss of Patronage: Health Resort Must Eliminate Red-light District," The Social Hygiene Bulletin 8, no. 1 (1921): 8.
67.	L. Blance Young to O.C. Wenger, February 8, 1932, Oliver C. Wenger Papers, Box 1, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences Archives.
68.	O.C. Wenger to David Robinson, April 18, 1921, Oliver C. Wenger Papers, Box 1, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences Archives.
69.	Information on brothel closures comes from my own analysis of police dockets from the City of Hot Springs, 1920–1923. These documents can be found in the Garland County Historical Society Archives, Police Department Records, Vertical Files, Garland County Historical Society, Hot Springs, Arkansas. In 1918, before the initial crackdown on prostitution, sex-workers accounted for almost one-fifth of all criminal arrests in the city.
70.	First Deficiency Appropriation Bill, 1921: Hearing before Subcommittee of the House Committee on Appropriations (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1921), 568.
71.	"Hard Sledding for Bankrupt City," Yearbook of the City Managers' Association 6 (1920): 85–6.
72.	Oliver C. Wenger, "The Transient-Indigent-Medical Problem at Hot Springs National Park, Arkansas," Oliver C. Wenger Papers, Box 1, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences Archives.
73.	Ray Hanley, A Place Apart: A Pictorial History of Hot Springs, Arkansas (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 2011), 81; "Hot Springs Would Secede," Today 3 (1934): 23.
74.	Wenger, "The Transient-Indigent-Medical Problem."
75.	Wenger, Annual Report for 1923.
76.	Oliver C. Wenger, "History of United States Public Health Clinic, Hot Springs, Arkansas," Oliver C. Wenger Papers, Box 1, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences Archives.
77.	"Any person who engages in travel," Wenger maintained, "may be the carrier of a communicable disease." "Every health officer knows," he reminded his superiors, "of instances, when, from one single source, hundreds and thousands of new cases have developed." Oliver C. Wenger, "The Indigent, Transient Problem and Its Relation to Public Health," Oliver C. Wenger Papers, Box 1, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences Archives.
78.	Ibid. In connection with Wenger's apparent acceptance of prostitution in Hot Springs, it is interesting to note that while overseeing a VD control program in Puerto Rico during the Second World War, the PHS official was privately reprimanded for proposing "methods of registration and identification of prostitutes which seem quite out of line" with the federal government's official policy of repression. For more on this, see Surgeon General Parran to Senior Surgeon O.C. Wenger, March 23, 1942, Thomas Parran Papers, Series 1, Box 5, University of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. Hereafter, Parran Papers.
79.	In educating his patients on the use of contraceptives, Wenger was taking a risk. As he noted in a 1926 letter sent to Thomas Parran (the recently-appointed director of the PHS's Division of Venereal Diseases), "the whole subject of prophylaxis is T.N.T. at this stage of the game," and as such, advocating too forcefully on behalf of birth control measures "might innocently start some unwelcome comment"—particularly in the South. On account of this, Wenger generally advised that the PHS "let the State V.D. men do as they please"—another sign of the impact local forces had on the federal government's efforts. For more, see Oliver C. Wenger to Thomas Parran, October 23, 1926, Parran Papers.
80.	O.C. Wenger to Dr. White, January 13, 1925, VD Division Records.
81.	Wenger, "The Transient-Indigent-Medical Problem."
82.	During the clinic's formative years, white women never accounted for more than one-fifth of the clinic's annual caseload. Between 1928 and 1936, however, their numbers steadily grew, reaching a peak of 2,353 in 1935—a year in which they represented nearly one-third of all patients treated. During the same period, African Americans' share of the clinic's annual caseload declined from 36.9 percent to 20.3 percent—a trend especially evident among females. O.C. Wenger, "Summary Statistical Data," Oliver C. Wenger Papers, Box 1, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences Archives.
83.	Walter Martin to O.C. Wenger, March 2, 1928, VD Division Records.
84.	Between 1922 and 1932, the number of African American visitors listed in the "unskilled labor" category was "nearly twice as high" as the comparable figure for whites. O.C. Wenger, "An Analysis of 10,000 Cases of Syphilis," Oliver C. Wenger Papers, Box 1, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences Archives.
85.	Oliver C. Wenger, "Analysis of 10,000 Cases of Syphilis," Oliver C. Wenger Papers, Box 1, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences Archives.
86.	A.W. Hunton, "The American Carlsbad," The Voice of the Negro 3, no. 5 (1906–7): 331; C. Melnotte Wade, "Hot Springs—Its People," Colored American Magazine 10, no. 1 (1906): xviii; O.C. Wenger, "The United States Public Health Service Clinic at Hot Springs National Park, Arkansas," Oliver C. Wenger Papers, Box 1, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences Archives; O.C. Wenger to Surgeon General, July 27, 1934, VD Division Records.
87.	Thompson, Syphilis, 52.
88.	L.R. Ellis, "Address of the Chairman of the Section on Dermatology and Syphilology," Journal of the Arkansas Medical Society 6 (1909): 44; Loyd Thompson and Lyle B. Kingerly, "Syphilis in the Negro," American Journal of Syphilis 3 (1919): 396.
89.	O.C. Wenger to the Surgeon General, July 20, 1925, VD Division Records .
90.	On average, between 1922 and 1936, African American rates for tertiary syphilis were ten percentage points higher than those of their white counterparts, who also presented 8 percent more primary and secondary cases than did black syphilitics. O.C. Wenger, "Classification of Syphilis Cases, U.S. Public Health Service Clinic," Oliver C. Wenger Papers, Box 1, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences Archives.
91.	Waugh and Milovich, "Severe Reactions," 390. For further evidence of the unfavorable therapeutic outcomes for black patients, see J.R. Waugh and W. Burns Jones, "Genito-Urinary Survey of 1,625 Male Patients, United States Public Health Service Venereal Disease Clinic, Hot Springs, Ark.," Journal of Venereal Disease Information 13, no. 1 (1932): 9.
92.	"Officer Uses 'Gestapo' Methods: Texarkanians Terrorized, Business Houses Molested," Arkansas State Press, July 25, 1941, 1.
93.	For likely racial discrimination, see Paul Carley, "Infection with Syphilis Masked by Gonorrhea," Journal of Venereal Disease Information 18, no. 2 (1937): 21–4.
94.	"Negroes Can Bathe at French Lick Springs," The Michigan State News, Tuskegee Institute News Clippings File.
95.	"Hot Springs Judge Wroth over 'Dumping' of Indigent Diseased Transients in City," Oliver C. Wenger Papers, Box 1, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences Archives; Wenger, "The Transient-Indigent-Medical Problem"; O.C. Wenger to Surgeon General, July 27, 1934, VD Division Records.
96.	O.C. Wenger, "United States Conducts Clinic for Venereal Diseases," 103.
97.	Oliver C. Wenger to Taliaferro Clark, August 29, 1931, NPS Archives.
98.	O.C. Wenger, "The Transient-Indigent-Medical Program," Oliver C. Wenger Papers, Box 1, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences Archives.
99.	Ibid.
100.	R.O. Brunk, "Some Interesting Facts," Oliver C. Wenger Papers, Box 1, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences Archives.
101.	Oliver C. Wenger to Dr. Vonderlehr, January 10, 1934, NPS Archives.
102.	McCully, "The United States Public Health Service."
103.	Brunk, "Some Interesting Facts," Oliver C. Wenger Papers, Box 1, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences Archives; "Hot Springs Judge Wroth over 'Dumping' of Indigent Diseased Transients in City," Oliver C. Wenger Papers, Box 1, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences Archives.
104.	"Hot Springs Judge," Oliver C. Wenger Papers, Box 1, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences Archives.
105.	Oliver C. Wenger, "A Plan for the Consolidation of all Medical Measures for Transient Relief in Hot Springs, Arkansas," Oliver C. Wenger Papers, Box 1, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences Archives.
106.	"Council Approves New Transient Plan," Oliver C. Wenger Papers, Box 1, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences Archives.
107.	Antoinette Cannon, "Hot Springs Transient Program," Oliver C. Wenger Papers, Box 1, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences Archives.
108.	Ibid.
109.	O.C. Wenger, "A Plan for the Consolidation of all Medical Measures for Transient Relief in Hot Springs, Arkansas," September 5, 1935, NPS Archives.
110.	O.C. Wenger, "The United States Public Health Service Clinic at Hot Springs National Park, Arkansas," Oliver C. Wenger Papers, Box 1, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences Archives.
111.	Oliver C. Wenger, "A Plan for the Consolidation of All Medical Measures for Transient Relief in Hot Springs, Arkansas" (September 5, 1935), NPS Archives.
112.	As one local authority put it, developments of the early 1930s had given the health resort's more wealthy visitors the impression that "the transients being treated here were so numerous that [they] would overrun everything," and on account of this, the city had become "undesirable for pay patients." Thomas J. Allen to Arno B. Cammerer, July 23, 1934, NPS Archives.
113.	John J. McShane to All Local Health Authorities, March 10, 1936, VD Division Records.
114.	"Venereal Disease Control," Arkansas Health Bulletin 1, no. 3 (1944): 6–9.