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Scales Intimate and Sprawling: Slavery, Emancipation, and the Geography of Marriage in Virginia

...marriages between enslaved men and women was a cause for concern among those working at the highest governmental levels long before Freedmen's Bureau agents arrived to take down names in...

A City Divided

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DDT Disbelievers: Health and the New Economic Poisons in Georgia after World War II

..."B.C." and daughters Betty and Martha suffered similarly. Before long, she noted that their symptoms were seasonal: they set in when the "big land owners" who owned the fields surrounding...

Separate and Unequal Schools: The Past Is Future

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Visions for Sustainable Agriculture in Cuba and the United States: Changing Minds and Models through Exchange

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The Joneses: Home Made in Mississippi

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Counterblast: How the Atlanta Temple Bombing Strengthened the Civil Rights Cause

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The Color of Democracy: A Japanese Public Health Official’s Reconnaissance Trip to the US South

...case, Koya’s desires coincided with SCAP’s active—albeit implicit—role in promoting birth control through state-initiated public health services in Japan. Public Health and Birth Control in the South In the prewar...

References
1.	Koya did not travel with an interpreter and his English skills were sufficient, if not fluent. All of Koya's books and journals were published in Japanese, with the exception of a few academic journals published in US journals. The translation that appears in this article is by the author.
2.	The debates over “race suicide” in the United States from the 1890s to the 1930s were deeply linked to the supposed fecundity of Asian immigrants, especially the Japanese. See, Laura L. Lovett, Pronatalism, Reproduction, and the Family in the United States, 1890-1938 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2007), 78-108.
3.	Lothrop Stoddard, The Rising Tide of Color Against White World-Supremacy (New York: Scribner, 1920), 252.
4.	Although many Americans imagined that Japan would send its surplus population abroad, in reality the Japanese government was sending its leaders for colonial ruling, wary of the job competition with low-wage indigenous laborers. While leading US scholars such as Warren Thompson were aware that the Japanese government was not actually sending its people abroad on a massive basis, Japan’s lack of natural resources and their quest for foreign markets nonetheless made them a serious threat to Western imperial powers. See, Warren Thompson, Danger Spots in World Population (New York: A.A. Knopf, 1929), 17-48.
5.	"News from Margaret Sanger," 6 September 1937, reel 19, Margaret Sanger Papers, Library of Congress, Washington DC
6.	Crawford F. Sams, “Medic”: The Mission of an American Military Doctor in Occupied Japan and Wartorn Korea (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1998), 30, 183; National Academy of Sciences, “Conference on Population Problems held at Williamsburg Inn, Williamsburg, VA,” morning session, June 20, 1952, folder 720, box 85, series 1.5, RG 5, John D. Rockefeller III Papers, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York (hereafter, RAC); Deborah Oakley, “The Development of Population Policy in Japan, 1945-1952, and American Participation,” PhD dissertation (University of Michigan, 1977), 278.
7.	For the conservative drift in the US Occupation policies, see John W. Dower, Embracing Defeat: Japan in the Wake of World War II (W. W. Norton & Company, 1999), 525-526.
8.	See, for example, Kingsley Davis, “The Other Scare: Too Many People,” New York Times, March 15, 1959, p. SM13.
9.	“Ripe for Reds: World Birth Growth Held Top Problem,” Los Angeles Times, February 29, 1952, p. C1.
10.	Deborah Oakley, “The Development of Population Policy in Japan, 1945-1952, and American Participation,” PhD dissertation (University of Michigan, 1977), 173; Tenrei Ota, Nihon Sanji Chōsetsu Hyakunenshi (One Hundred Years of Birth Control in Japan) (Tokyo: Shuppan Kagaku Sogo Kenkyujo, 1976), 359. Criticism from US Catholics was particularly a concern for General Douglas MacArthur, head of SCAP, who had an ambition to run for a presidential campaign after his duty in Japan; losing a large Catholic constituency would be devastating for his campaign. MacArthur needed to remind Sams about SCAP’s official position to stay clear of the issue of birth control. Oliver R. McCoy diary, May 16, 1949, box 83, record group 12.1, Rockefeller Foundation Archives (hereafter, RFA), RAC, Sleepy Hollow, New York.
11.	Roger Evans, “Rough Notes on RF Mission Conference with General Sams,” October 1, 1948, folder 6, box 1, series 600, record group 1.2, RFA, RAC.
12.	SCAP feared that under Keizō Nobechi’s directorship, whom they suspected as “engaging in subversive propaganda,” the IPH could revert to a nationalistic organization after the termination of US Occupation. The forced resignation of Nobechi, however, left a negative impression about Sams among the Japanese in the IPH. Balfour to George K. Strode, January 31, 1947; R. B. Watson to Strode, September 12, 1947, folder 18, box 3, series 609, record group 1.1, RFA, RAC; Yoshio Koya, Kōgakukyū no Techō kara (From An Old Man’s Diary) (Tokyo: Nihon Kazoku Keikaku Kyōkai, 1970), 72-73.
13.	McCoy diary, March 23, Apr. 16, 1949.
14.	McCoy diary, March 12, 15, May 12, July 27, August 1, 5, 9, 15, 1949, March 10, 1950.
15.	Yoshio Koya, “Shin-Marusasu Shugi no Shinjun no Kiki” (The Danger of Spreading Neo-Malthusianism) Yūseigaku (Eugenics) 7, no. 8 (1930): 2-5; Koya, Kōgakukyū, 67; “Minzoku Tōtaron” (Racial Extinction Theory) Kagakuken (The Science Sphere) 3, no. 9 (1948): 10.
16.	Kōgakukyū, 101; Koya, Tengoku Amerika, Jigoku Amerika (Heaven America, Hell America) (Tokyo: Deido Shuppansha, 1951), 41.
17.	Tengoku, 34; Kōgakukyū, 78.
18.	Doone Williams, Every Child a Wanted Child: Clarence James Gamble, M.D. and His Work in the Birth Control Movement (Boston: Harvard University Press, 1978), 25.
19.	Williams, vii.
20.	Linda Gordon, Woman's Body, Woman's Right: A Social History of Birth Control in America (New York: Grossman, 1976), 330-334; Johanna Schoen, Choice and Coercion: Birth Control, Sterilization, and Abortion in Public Health and Welfare (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2005), 47-49; Carole R. McCann, Birth Control Politics in the United States, 1916-1945 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994), 160-164.
21.	For more on "race suicide," see Lovett, 2007. Clarence J. Gamble to Mrs. Rinehart, November 1, 1939, Folder 3, Box 39; Division of Negro Service, PPFA [Planned Parenthood Federation of America], June 23, 1942, Folder 8, Box 39, Margaret Sanger Papers (unfilmed), Sophia Smith Collection, New Hampton, MA.
22.	Jessie M. Rodrique, “The Black Community and the Birth Control Movement,” in Passion and Power: Sexuality in History, ed. Kathy Peiss and Christina Simmons (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989), 146-149.
23.	Schoen, 48.
24.	Comparisons of birth rates, death rates (including infant mortality rates), and population by race, state, and county/city are available in Forrest E. Linder and Robert D. Grove, Vital Statistics Rates in the United States, 1900-1940 (Washington DC: US Government Printing Office, 1943), 704-823; Robert D. Grove and Alice M. Hetzel, Vital Statistics Rates in the United States, 1940-1960 (Washington DC: US Government Printing Office, 1968), 114-115, 214-235, 150-162, 800-850; Wilson H. Grabill, Clyde V. Kiser, and Pascal K. Whelpton, The Fertility of American Women (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1958), 60-67.
25.	Don Wharton, “Birth Control: The Case for the State,” Atlantic Monthly (1939): 465; “Birth Control: South Carolina Uses It for Public Health,” Life (May 1940): 67.
26.	See, JoAnne Brown, “Purity and Danger in Color: Notes on Germ Theory and the Semantics of Segregation,” in Heredity and Infection: The History of Disease Transmission, ed. Jean-Paul Gaudillière and Ilana Löwy (New York: Routledge, 2003), 101-131; Tera W. Hunter, “Tuberculosis as the ‘Negro Servants’ Disease,’” chapter 9 in To ‘Joy My Freedom: Southern Black Women’s Lives and Labors after the Civil War (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997), 187-218; Paul A. Lombardo and Gregory M. Dorr, “Eugenics Medical Education, and the Public Health Service: Another Perspective on the Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 80 (2006): 291-316; Melbourne Tapper, “An ‘Anthropathology’ of the ‘American Negro’: Anthropology, Genetics, and the New Racial Science, 1940-1952,” Social History of Medicine 10 (1997): 263-289.
27.	Alexandra Minna Stern, Eugenic Nation: Faults and Frontiers of Better Breeding in Modern America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), 5-7, 21; Edward J. Larson, Sex, Race, and Science: Eugenics in the Deep South (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995), 32-34; John Ettling, The Germ of Laziness: Rockefeller Philanthropy and Public Health in the New South (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981), 29-30, 125, 187.
28.	After the Rockefeller Sanitary Commission closed down, the International Health Board took over its role. For the Rockefeller Foundation’s public health projects in the South, see John Ettling, The Germ of Laziness; John Farley, To Cast Out Disease: A History of the International Health Division of the Rockefeller Foundation (1913-1951) (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004).
29.	Gordon, 330.
30.	Larson, 93; Schoen, 44. The targets of prewar eugenics/birth control programs, including sterilization, were mainly white immigrant women, with the purpose of protecting white female sexuality and motherhood. See, Wendy Kline, Building a Better Race: Gender, Sexuality, and Eugenics from the Turn of the Century to the Baby Boom (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001), 59.
31.	Williams, 146-148; Schoen, 60.
32.	Tengoku, 88.
33.	His major publications include: Minzoku Seibutsugaku (Race Biology) (Tokyo: Kōyō Shoin, 1938); Kokudo, Jinkō, Ketsueki (National Land, Population, and Blood) (Tokyo: Asahi Shinbunsha, 1941); Tōa Shokuryō Seisaku (Food Policies in East Asia) (Tokyo: Shūkan Sangyōsha, 1941); Kindaisen to Tairyoku, Jinkō (Modern Wars, Stamina, and Population) (Tokyo: Sōgensha, 1944); Nihon Minzoku Konseishi (A Comprehensive Study of the Japanese Race) (Tokyo: Nisshin Shoin, 1944).
34.	Koya, Kindaisen to Tairyoku, Jinko, 188.
35.	Koya, “Zaijū Yonjūnenkan no Naichi Nihonjin Hanshokuryoku” (Fertility of Japanese Migrants after Forty Years) in Minzoku Kagaku Kenkyu (Race Science Review) vol. 1, ed. Haruo Hayashi and Yoshio Koya (Tokyo: Asakura Shoten, 1943), 183-184; Koya et. al., “Chōsen ni Okeru Naichijin Ijūsha oyobi Chōsenjin no Shusseiryoku ni tsuite” (The Fertility of Japanese Migrants to Korea and the Fertility of Koreans), 201-202.
36.	Koya, Kokudo, Jinkō, Ketsueki, 131.
37.	Koya, Kokudo, 179-182; Minzoku Seibutsugaku, 71. For more on the Japanese scholars’ ideas on “race” during the war, see Yuehtsen Juliette Chung, Struggle for National Survival: Eugenics in Sino-Japanese Contexts, 1896-1945 (New York: Routledge, 2002), 147-152; Atsushi Nobayashi, “Physical Anthropology in Wartime Japan,” Wartime Japanese Anthropology in Asia and the Pacific, ed. Akitoshi Shimizu and Jan van Bremen (Osaka: National Museum of Ethnology, 2003), 146-147; Eiji Oguma, A Genealogy of ‘Japanese’ Self-Images, trans. David Askew (Melbourne: Trans Pacific Press, 2002), 203-236.; Cullen Tadao Hayashida, “Identity, Race, and the Blood Ideology of Japan,” PhD dissertation (University of Washington, 1976), 24-29.
38.	Kōgakukyū, 118-120.
39.	Kōgakukyū, 124-125.
40.	Kōgakukyū, 124-126.

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